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Institute for Crisis, Disaster, and Risk Management Crisis and Emergency Management Newsletter Website |
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December
2003
Volume 5
- Number 3 |
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War Against Terrorism: The Proliferation of
Risk Ross A. Gartley As a Canadian citizen, my perception of the
risk posed
by terrorism is relative to my environment. At home in Toronto, I am
not
cognizant of the risk. I believe,
whether foolishly or not, that the possibility of being exposed to an
act of
terrorism is so negligible that it doesn’t merit my concern or
attention. The
reasons for my perceived immunity at home stems from my belief that
Canada has
been successful in projecting itself as a peaceful nation, one that is
mindful
of its affairs all the while respecting the sovereign rights of other
nation to
do as they see fit. My perceived sense of immunity however disappears
the
moment I leave the relative bastion of peace that is Canada to travel
to United
States or abroad. The heightened sense of risk I experience in
the
United States is due to a perception that is shaped by the presence of
visible
mitigation and preparedness measures, but moreover from the unrelenting
bombardment of terrorism related media content. This barrage serves to
foster a
sense of fear amongst the general public that the threat is not only
real but
imminent. The end result is that I have become conditioned to believe
that risk
of falling victim to an act of terror is significant. Consequently, I
find
myself consciously taking certain measures to prepare for the
“inevitable”
event. In light of the current Bush Administration’s War on Terror,
however,
this may be a good thing because if the risk of terrorism was marginal
yesterday,
it is sure to be significant tomorrow and as a conditioned individual,
I will
surely know “what to do”. The Bush Administration’s War on Terror,
exercised
abroad through the preemptive measures of the Bush Doctrine, is serving
to
engender a cycle of perpetual violence. Instead of stemming the tide,
it is
fueling the fire. As a result, the Bush Administration has placed its
inhabitants at home and citizens abroad at a greater risk than they
were before
the implementation of the Bush Doctrine. Regardless of their
political/social
orientation or religious beliefs, they are perceived to be guilty by
association in the eyes of the “adversary. Evidence of this increased
risk,
moreover its widespread proliferation can be seen throughout the Middle
East, specifically
in Iraq were the first practical application of the Bush Doctrine has turned out to be entirely counterproductive.
This proliferation of risk will only cease when the Bush Administration
realizes that the sovereignty of other states is not subject to the
will of the
United States and that the notion of fighting a war with no defined
“end state”
is preposterous. The Bush Administration’s decision to extend
the War
on Terror beyond its boarders, where its actual power can only be
projected and
not actually implemented, will serve to engage the United States in a
war that
it cannot win because it is fighting against a impossible reality, that
being
the eradication of the world’s individuals and organizations who
believe that
acts of terrorism represent the only viable means of achieving their
respective
political, ideological or economic goals. Realizing the impossible and
foolhardy nature of this objective, many of the world’s middle powers
have
taken political steps to distance themselves from the Bush
Administration’s War
on Terror. It could be argued that the political decisions taken by the
likes
of the Chrétien Administration in Canada and the Schroder
Administration in
Germany were taken in an effort to shield their administrations and
constituents
from the risk of terrorism. This in turn raises the question: Does the
objective of minimizing your exposure to the risk of terrorism involve
disassociating yourself from the politics of the Bush Administration,
or does
it involve accepting this new international normalcy being shaped by
the War on
Terror and as a result prepare accordingly?
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